हंसा तो मोती चुगे: जीत, हार और अहंकार

योगेश मिश्रा

नवम्बर १६, २०१५ 

क्या जनता का भाजपा से मोहभंग हो गया है? डेढ़ साल में यह दल अर्श से फर्श तक पहुँच गया है। वैसे होने को तो इस दौरान बहुत कुछ हुआ है, परन्तु न तो नरेंद्र मोदी द्वारा विकास के नाम पर उठाए गए क़दमों का असर धरातल दिखा और न ही अमित शाह भाजपा संगठन में कोई उल्लेखनीय भूमिका निभा पाए। इक्कीसवीं सदी में भारत में रामराज्य स्थापित करने की भाजपा की परिकल्पना को साकार करने के लिए आगे आये मोदी-शाह की जोड़ी के लिए बिहार का परिणाम यक़ीनन एक सबक है, क्योंकि बहुमत की सरकार का जनाधार खिसकने लगा है और इन दोनों को आने वाले तीन वर्षों में फिर से उतना ही जोर लगाना पड़ेगा जितना उन्होंने २०१४ में आम चुनाव जीतने के लिए लगाया था।

वैसे किसी भी सरकार पर उसके पांच वर्ष का कार्यकाल पूर्ण करने से पूर्व टीका-टिपण्णी करना अनुचित है परन्तु मोदी जैसे सधे हुए राजनेता यह भलीभांति जानते थे कि सत्ता में काबिज होने के प्रथम दिन से ही वे विश्लेषकों व् आलोचकों के पसंदीदा विषय बनने वाले हैं, इसलिए उन्होंने पूरी तैयारी के साथ अपना कामकाज संभाला। उनकी विकासपरक व् राष्ट्रव्यापी बातों को लोगों ने हाथों हाथ लिया। उनके मन की बात तो जैसे लोगों को अपने मन की बात लगने लगी। बदलाव दिखने भी लगा। स्वच्छता जैसी मुहीम लोगों को जंच गई। और जो नहीं जंची वो थी उनकी महत्वपूर्ण विषयों पर चुप्पी और प्रधानमंत्री होते हुए भी साधारण नेता की तरह विरोधियों पर अनवरत कटाक्ष करने की आदत।

जब-जब जनता ने मोदी की तरफ इस आस से निहारा कि वे संवेदनशील मुद्दों, जैसे साम्प्रदायिकता, पर अपनी बेबाक राय रखेंगे, उन्होंने लम्बी चुप्पी साध ली। और जब-जब उनसे यह अपेक्षा की गई कि वे एक सुलझे हुए राजा कि तरह पेश आएंगे, वे असंयमित नज़र आये।

लोक सभा चुनाव के पहले हालात अलग थे। जब उनके निशाने पर सोनिया गाँधी, राहुल गाँधी, राबर्ट वाड्रा, नितीश कुमार, लालू प्रसाद, अरविन्द केजरीवाल व् अन्य होते थे तो जनता तालियाँ बजाती थी परन्तु अब न केवल दृश्य बदल गया है बल्कि उनका किरदार भी। अब जनता की वाहवाही उन्हें तभी मिलेगी जब उनके विकास का अदृश्य रथ शान्ति व् समृद्धि लायेगा। 

  

अफ़सोस, मोदी ने बिहार चुनाव में अपने भाषणों में विकासवाद की जगह व्यक्तिवाद को तरजीह  दिया। लोग चाहते थे वे बोलें तो महंगाई पर, दाल पर, प्याज पर, साम्प्रदायिकता व् असहिष्णुता की कृत्रिमता पर, काले धन पर, लेकिन उन्होंने समय बरबाद किया नितीश, लालू व् अन्य को कोसने में। जंगलराज की बात कही, परन्तु उन्होंने यह नहीं बताया कि बिहार से भाजपा के कितने सांसद अपने गोद लिए गाँवों में पिछले डेढ़ सालों में तब्दीलियाँ लाने में सफल हुए। सवा लाख करोड़ की विशेष सहायता देने की घोषणा तो कर दी परन्तु यह नहीं बताया कि बिहार के पिछड़े इलाकों में सड़क, पानी, बिजली, शिक्षा व् स्वास्थय कैसे पहुंचाएंगे, नक्सलवाद का खात्मा कैसे करेंगे। ऐसी ही व्यक्तिवादी बातें उन्होंने दिल्ली चुनाव में कहीं और प्रारंभ से अंत तक उनके निशाने में रहे केजरीवाल और अंतत: भाजपा को मुंह की खानी पड़ी।

अब बात अमित शाह की। देश के चौथे स्तम्भ ने शाह को २०१४ के आम चुनाव में भाजपा की जीत के बाद चाणक्य की उपाधि दे डाली। कारण था उनका उत्तर प्रदेश में प्रतिकूल परिस्थिति में चुनाव संचालन कर भाजपा को ८० में से ७१ सीट दिलाना। इस बढ़त ने मोदी को गुजरात के मुख्यमंत्री से भारतवर्ष का प्रधानमंत्री बना दिया। समय इनाम का था। शाह को भाजपा की कमान मिल गई। शुरूआती दौर में शाह ने ऐसे तेवर दिखाए जैसे बिना चुनाव के देश के सभी राज्यों में भाजपा की सरकार बनवा देंगे परन्तु उनके सीमित कार्यकाल में ही संगठन में असंतोष के नए स्वर फूटने लगे। जिन वरिष्ठजनों को सरकार में जगह नहीं मिली, उन्हें संगठन ने भी नकार दिया।

शाह यदि चाहते तो वरिष्ठ नेताओं के अनुभव का इस्तेमाल संगठन की जड़ों को मजबूत करने के लिए कर सकते थे परन्तु उन्होंने शक्ति का नया पर्याय ढूंढ निकाला – संख्या। पुराने चेहरों दरकिनार कर अब वे भाजपा को विश्व का सबसे बड़ा दल बनाने के लिए जुट गए। लक्ष्य था १० करोड़ सदस्य बनाना। यह लक्ष्य कैसे पूरा हुआ, सब जानते हैं। शायद इसी संख्याबल के सहारे मोदी व् शाह पुरे देश में भाजपा का वर्चस्व स्थापित करना चाहते थे किन्तु बिहार चुनाव के परिणाम से यह साफ हो गया कि अति-आत्मविश्वास के चलते भाजपा ने जनमानस की मनःस्थिति पढने का प्रयास ही नहीं किया।

बिहार चुनाव में शाह की पूर्व में अपनाई गई अचूक नीतियां नज़र नही आईं। तमाम तैयारियां केवल भीड़ जुटाने तक ही सीमित दिखीं। कार्यकर्ताओं में आपसी सामंजस्य की कमी दिखी। जनता से जुड़ने की कोई जहमत उठाते नहीं दिखा। सभी ऐसे आश्वस्त दिख रहे थे जैसे मोदी चंद भाषणों में ही बिहार जीत जायेंगे। शाह स्वयं विवादास्पद भाषणों को तरजीह देते दिखे।  

संगठन स्तर पर भी वे दल के नेताओं व् सांसदों को अनावश्यक बयानबाजी करने से रोकने में असफल रहे। बिहार चुनाव में शत्रुहन सिन्हा ही नहीं बल्कि अनेक नेताओं की अनदेखी की गई। कुछ चुप रह गए तो कुछ ने दल को शर्मिंदा करने में कोई कोर कसर बाकी नहीं रखा।

बिहार में लालू व् नितीश ने विकास की चाशनी में जाति, धर्म व् आरक्षण जैसे मुद्दों को लपेट दिया। मोदी व् शाह इसका तोड़ नहीं निकाल पाए। शाह ने उत्तर प्रदेश में जिस मन्त्र के तहत हर संसदीय क्षेत्र के लिए प्रत्याशी चयन से लेकर चुनाव प्रचार की रणनीति बनाई, वैसी सूक्ष्मता बिहार में  नहीं दिखी।

सफलता अहंकार को जन्म देती है और यह व्यक्ति-विशेष पर निर्भर करता है कि ऐसे हालात में वह स्वयं के मन-मष्तिष्क को कितना नियंत्रित कर सकता है। भाजपा इस बीमारी से अछूती नहीं है। इसका प्रत्यक्ष प्रमाण है सन २०१४ के चुनाव परिणाम के बाद उसके नेताओं व् कार्यकर्ताओं के बदले हुए सुर। धरातल पर तो जैसे किसी के पैर ही नहीं टिक रहे थे। मोदी ने जैसे ही कहा कि अगले दस सालों तक वे केंद्र में जमे रहेंगे, भाजपाइयों को लगने लगा अब उन्हें कुछ करने की आवश्यकता नहीं। मोदी के प्रयासों को सबसे पहली चोट उनके अपने दल के नेता ही पहुंचाएंगे। यदि कुछ करके वे पांच सालों में जनता का विश्वास फिर जीतने में कामयाब भी हो जाते हैं तो भाजपाई बिना कर्म किये चमत्कार की अपेक्षा में चादर तान के सोये हुए उनकी मुसीबतें बढ़ा सकते हैं। उम्मीद है बिहार चुनाव के परिणाम भाजपाइयों को अगले तीन साल सोने नहीं देंगे।   

Will Modi bounce back?

Yogesh Mishra

Raipur, November 12

Are people disillusioned with Bharatiya Janata Party? In just one and a half year of its rule under NDA umbrella at Centre, the party has dramatically reached to nadir from zenith. Though many things happened during this period, the steps taken by Narendra Modi on developmental plank failed to transform at practical footing. Bihar debacle is certainly a big lesson for Narendra Modi-Amit Shah combine, which was touted by the party last year to establish 21^st century’s Ramrajya in the country, because the government of majority is suddenly struggling to win public mandate in states. If the conditions prevail, Modi and Shah would have to put similar effort as they did last year to win 2019 general elections.

Of course, it is unjust to expect changes happening in such a short span of time. At least, a government should complete its five-year tenure before being assessed on various parameters. Nevertheless, 18 months are enough for sprouts of hopes to come out. In fact, Modi too was aware that, he being a seasoned leader, would be favorite subject for critics and analysts from Day One of his new avatar as a Prime Minister. Hence, he assumed the office with full preparations to counter criticisms with work instead of speech.

Soon he succeeded in convincing masses that his developmental and nationalistic agendas were not mere dream-talks, but silhouette of well-conceived strategic vision. He started Mann Ki Baat via radio to directly connect to people and the latter thought he was giving voice to their feelings.

Some changes also appeared. The people liked Swchcha Bharat Abhiyaan as well as host of other initiatives. However, what they didn’t like is Modi’s silence on important issues and unnecessary exaggerations on trivial matters. They also didn’t like Modi’s sarcasm against his opponents as they felt he should maintain the dignity of PM post and talk on issues and causes instead of individuals.

Whenever, the people looked at Modi to express his candid opinions on issues like communalism, he remained tightlipped. Contrarily, whenever he was expected to behave with the wisdom of hindsight, he looked wayward.

The conditions before general elections were different. At that time, when he was targeting Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, Robert Vadra, Nitish Kumar, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Arvind Kejriwal and others, the people would applaud him, but now, not only the scene has changed, but also his role. Now, he will only get appreciation when his invisible chariot of development would bring peace and prosperity in the country.

Unfortunately, Modi’s speeches during the hustings in Bihar were concentrated on individuals instead of development. The people wanted him to speak on skyrocketing prices of dal and onions, on artificial clouds of communalism and intolerance in the country, black money, etc but he rather embroiled in game of allegations and counter-allegations keeping Nitish and Lalu at focal point.

While attacking his opponents, he said the BJP would rid Biharis from the jungleraj, but he failed to tell what turnaround his party’s MPs from the State brought in the villages adopted by them under Sasnsad Adarsh gram Yojana in one year. 

Though he had announced Rs 125 crore-special package for Bihar earlier, he could not tell how the State’s remote areas would get road, water, electricity, health and education facility and how his party would uproot Maoism.

Modi’s development agenda derailed in Bihar when he had questioned on Nitish Kumar’s DNA in a public rally. In fact, by doing so, he had inadvertently scripted the BJP’s loss by attacking old partner Kumar who had ruled the State for eight with his party. After Lalu-Rabri era, it was the BJP-JD(U) government led by Kumar that brought perceptible reforms in Bihar. The people apparently didn’t like Modi’s remarks against Kumar.

The BJP’s Bihar drubbing can also be seen as repetition of history as Modi committed similar mistake during Delhi assembly elections earlier this year when he had openly waged war of words against Arvind Kejriwal and tried to portray the latter as a nondescript and inapt for politics instead of sticking to his development agenda. The result was historical as Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party posted landslide victory in Delhi by winning 67 out of 70 seats in Delhi and BJP shrinking to mere three.   

BJP’s RS arithmetic fails in Bihar

Raipur, November 10

Bihar results have severely affected Bharatiya Janata Party’s hopes to consolidate its position in Rajya Sabha. The party was expecting to improve its RS tally by four next year by posting victory in Bihar assembly polls. Had the people given mandate to Narendra Modi, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance would have sent at least ten MPs in RS by 2019.

There are 16 MPs from Bihar in the RS. The Janata Dal’s (United) share is 12 and BJP has four. Next year, JD(U)’s five MPs are completing their tenure on July 7. These MPs are Sharad Yadav, KC Tyagi, Pavan Varma, RP Singh and Gulam Rasool Balyavi.  

Six MPs including two of BJP and four of JD(U) will complete their tenure on April 2, 2018. The two BJP MPs are Ravishankar Prasad and Dharmendra Prasad. Both are union ministers at present. The four MPs from JD(U) are Vashishth Narayan Singh, Anil Sahni, Ali Anwar and Mahendra Prasad.

The tenure of rest five MPs including two of BJP and three of JD(U) will complete in April 2020. The BJP MPs are CP Thakur and RK Sinha while those from JD(U) are Ramnath Thakur, Harivansh and Kahkashan Parveen.

Presently, there are 244 MPs in the RS. One seat from Odisha is vacant. The NDA has 67 seats of which 48 belong to BJP while the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance has 78 MPs. There are 89 MPs who neither belong to NDA nor UPA. Ten MPs are nominated in the House.

The BJP knows significance of majority in the Upper House. The party has posted landslide victory in 2014 general elections, however a slew of its important decisions are pending in the RS because it has insufficient strength. In fact, it was this reason the party has to depend on others for support.

What will be the seat arithmetic now?

Bihar has 243 assembly seats. Next year, five RS seats of its quota will vacate. When polls will be conducted for these five RS seats, there will be approximately 49 voters behind every seat. In this scenario, the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) comprising JD(U), RJD, Congress and small parties will easily win three seats and will also manage to win the fourth one by horse-trading.

In this number game, the BJP can also win one seat which means a new face from saffron regime will reach RS next year. However, when six RS seats from Bihar quota will vacate in 2018, the BJP will have to incur loss of one seat because at that time, its MPs will complete their tenure. 

Ban on bursting crackers after 10 pm on Diwali

Raipur, November 09

Chhattisgarh government has banned bursting of crackers after 10 pm on Diwali. The ban came in wake of Supreme Court order to Chhattisgarh Environment Conservation Board to strictly implement the guidelines regarding the bursting of crackers during festival of lights. The board has issued circular to district collectors and SPs of all 27 districts to ensure that the people comply with the SC order and may not burst crackers 10 pm to 6 am.

According to the circular, the crackers which produce more than 125 decibel (DB) sound will be banned across the State. It says the crackers should not be burst near hospitals, educational institutions, courts, religious places and other sensitive places. It also urges to create awareness among students about noise and air pollution being caused by bursting of crackers.

The CECB officials told that the board too was concerned about rising pollution level in the State during festival seasons, especially Diwali.

“Let the people enjoy festivals following all traditions and norms, but not at the cost of environment. We want to create sense of responsibility in them. It’s every individual’s duty to conserve the environment. Knowing that the students are best messengers of such noble causes, the SC wants the board to create awareness among the school and college students regarding pollution,” said a top CECB official.

The board has appealed people to burst minimum quantity of crackers. Pointing towards health hazards related crackers, it says Sulphur Dioxide and Nitrogen Dioxide gases are released in the atmosphere to a highly dangerous level with bursting of crackers.

“The polluted air creates a lot of health problems for patients suffering from asthma, bronchitis and other respiratory diseases. Higher sound levels create irritation, sleeplessness and temporary madness. It has a negative impact on senior citizens, small children and pregnant women,” the official said.

Minister files Rs 1 cr defamation suit against PCC chief

Raipur, November 07

Panchayat and Rural Development Minister Ajay Chandrakar has filed Rs one crore-defamation suit against Chhattisgarh Congress president Bhupesh Baghel for attempting to sully his image in public. In response, Baghel clarified that he had not received any such notice from the court and would certainly reply if he would get any. The court has fixed November 18, 2015 as first hearing date of the matter.

Lawyers Sharad Mishra and Umakant Mishra have filed the suit on Chandrakar’s behalf in the court of chief judicial magistrate Ashish Pathak in Raipur. The duo accused Baghel of deliberately indulging in the act of Chandrakar’s character assassination by making derogatory remarks against him in the public.

The lawyers demanded stern action against Baghel by quoting his controversial statement published in a local Hindi daily recently. Baghel’s comments came in wake of sacking of a female member of the Institute of Rural Development Dr Manjeet Kaur Bal after she pointed fingers towards Chandrakar for misbehaving and sexually harassing trainee women officers of the department.

The lawyers have pointed that Baghel had used the derogatory language against their client while addressing in an event organised by NSUI in Rajnandgaon. In his address, hinting on Bal’s episode, Baghel had reportedly cautioned females to stay away from Chandrakar in public or private events.

Strangely, Chandrakar didn’t react when Bal sought registration of FIR against him by submitting a complaint letter to the police. Considering sensitivity of the episode, both the Raman Singh government as well as the BJP organisation decided to pose silence instead of clarifying their stance on it.

The Congress has been targeting the saffron government on women-safety issues for long. A host of issues including botched-up sterlisation and forcible hysterectomy have already put the government on defensive. Now, with the minister himself facing charges of sexual harassment by a female officer of his department, the State is more likely to face political turbulence in coming days. 

34 pc rise in e-return filing

Raipur, November 06

While Centre is still formulating plans to check the practice of tax evasion, the simplified procedure of e-return filing is gradually proving as boon with more number of taxpayers accruing to the list of responsible citizens. In last one year, India has witnessed 34 percent rise in e-return filing, a trend, which if prevails and permeates to all sections of society, can fetch huge amount of revenue in the Central exchequer.  

According to e-return filing figures issued by Income Tax department a total of 27126345 (or 2.71 crore approximately) citizens had filed their annual returns till October 31, 2015. The e-return filing figures till October 31 last year was 20190297 (or 2.01 crore approximately).

Chhattisgarh has also witnessed marked rise in e-return filing trend. About 293260 citizens filed their annual returns this year till October 31 while the figures during same period in 2014 and 2013 were 203234 and 187616. In 2012, the figure till March was 232414.

The higher income grade people have also picked e-return filing trend and this year over 93000 citizens, with income of over Rs one crore annually, filed their returns. This figure is nearly 34000 more than the previous year.

Similarly, small earners too looked avid in filing e-returns. Among those falling within bracket of Rs 5 lakh income annually, over 2.01 crore filed their returns this year. The figure is 54.54 lakh more than last year. In Rs 5-20 lakh annual earning bracket, about 61.66 lakh have filed their returns, almost 12.50 lakh more than year 2014.

Among those earning Rs 20-50 lakh annually, about 5.90 lakh have filed returns this time. The figure of taxpayers in this grade is 144784 more than that of previous fiscal. Among Rs 50 lakh to Rs one crore annual income holders, 135277 filed returns while in the year 2014 the figure was 93102.

CG aims to make inroads in defence sector

Raipur, November 05

That the paradigm shift in its new industrial policy has already evoked massive response nationally with new vistas of opportunity opening for investors in non-core sector, Chhattisgarh now aims to emerge as a defence manufacturing hub of the country. The State has already taken first step, though small one, in June this year by signing memorandum of understanding with ACSG Corp to establish assembly and analysis facility unit for unmanned aerial vehicle drones.

Commerce and Industry Minister Amar Agrawal says this is the right time for defence manufacturers to invest in the State as its Industrial Policy 2014-2019 has all that what they wish to have to start their business.

According to World Bank, Chhattisgarh is fourth in the country in ease of doing business and follows Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh and Jharkhand. It was the single-window clearance policy commenced by Raman Singh’s think tank while introducing Industrial Policy 2014-2019 that prompted some of the top multinational IT firms to search grounds of development in this part of the world.

The State already has shut doors for fresh investments in core sector – that it – steel, cement and power with manufacturing units in this sector reaching super-saturation mark. Conservation of environment is another major factor due to which the government has shifted focus from core sector to non-core sector. Now it is beckoning environment-friendly units, and in doing so succeeded in attracting IT and electronic firms which showed keen interest in investing in Naya Raipur.

However, for defence manufacturing units, the government is likely to provide lands in the districts adjoining to Raipur, especially in Durg, Bilaspur, etc.

With the country having set a target of achieving 75 percent indigenisation in defence production between 2020 and 2025 and spending over $150 billion over the next five years on defence procurements, it is said to be an excellent opportunity for defence-related manufacturing industries. This means that the local industry doubles in size and 120000 new jobs are created. Also, numerous offsets in the three wings of the armed forces are expected to be executed in the next five years.

According to Rear Admiral AK Verma (Retd), who was in Raipur, the Centre is likely to bring key changes in the offset policy in the defence sector under which a company will have the option of migrating from the offset obligations to Buy and Make. The much-awaited changes to the Defence Procurement Procedures (DPP-2013) are expected in the coming months with the release of DPP-2015, he said by adding that with the Make in India campaign gaining momentum, domestic as well as overseas companies would collaborate to manufacture products in India. He hoped such changes would help states like Chhattisgarh to push up their stake in defence manufacturing sector.

With nearly $100 billion worth of defence capital acquisition in the pipeline in the next one decade, Eastern Region as a whole and Chhattisgarh in particular are in a position to reap dividends. About 48 ships and submarines are under construction in various Indian public and private sector shipyards and estimates show that the Indian Air Force will have more than 1000 fighter jets and around 60 squadrons by 2030.  Therefore, there is vast opportunity for the defence manufacturers to increase their business.

Police refuse to file FIR against minister

Raipur, November 04

Justice delayed is justice denied. Former member of the Institute of Rural Development in Chhattisgarh Dr Manjeet Kaur Bal is still running from pillar to post for justice after she was sacked in the aftermath of her complaint to senior officers against Panchayat and Rural Development Minister Ajay Chandrakar’s disrespectful behaviour with trainee women officers in the department. After knocking the doors of Chief Minister, Governor and Prime Minister in search of justice, Bal, on Wednesday, reached Rakhi police station in Naya Raipur seeking registration of FIR against Chandrakar. However, when the cops, too, refused to entertain her, she assertively said she won’t hesitate in moving court against the minister in case of no option left.

On Wednesday, the cops including Station House Office Jeetendra Tamrakar were nervous lot when Bal requested them to file FIR against Chandrakar and retired deputy director Bhawani Shankar Tiwari of Panchayat and Rural Development department for continuously insulting and harassing her.

She handed over a complaint letter seeking FIR against the minister to the SHO but the latter reportedly expressed his inability to do so. The SHO was so frightened that he immediately called upon CSP Mukesh Khare who said no criminal charges could be framed against the minister merely on Bal’s complaint. Bal, thereafter, met SP BN Meena who assured of taking action after conducting probe on her complaint.

Bal, who was also the chairperson of the committee against women harassment at IRD, in her letter to the police wrote that she was working in the IRD for last four years but she was abruptly terminated when she complained to her bosses against Chandrakar for sexually harassing nine trainee female officers at his residence.

She pointed that her appointment was invalidated by the minister on grounds of ineligibility without conducting inquiry. She said the minister harassed her socially and financially and expressed apprehensions that he would continue to do so in future too because he was in power.

She accused that she was targeted by the minister for being a woman while two more members of the IRD – LK Sharma and Ajay Gurudiwan were continuously given service extensions despite their appointments being done through fake procedures. She said the two did not even submit required certificates for the posts they were holding.

She said despite her courageous move to expose the minister’s conspiracy against her, the State government did not take any cognisance. She apprehends that Chandrakar could cause harm to her and her family members and would let no stone unturned in mentally torturing and defaming her.

Meanwhile, Chandrakar is pleading innocent since the beginning of the episode. He also refuses to identify the complainants from Bal to the trainee officers. Ironically, the notesheet that mentions order against Bal’s termination carries Chandrakar’s signature, a rare practice as it could have been done by some senior officer too and the minister’s involvement was not needed.